SIDRA Institute

SIDRA

Rethinking (local) integration: domains of integration and their durability in Kismayo and Garowe, Somalia

This Paper was originally published on www.frontiersin.org Amidst the ever-expanding debates in various academic and policy fields around migrant and refugee integration and local integration, we bring these two concepts in conversation with one another. Until very recently, theories of integration have had a state-centric focus in the Global North. This article expands and complicates this literature to focus on displaced Somalis within Somalia and its borderlands living in the cities of Kismayo and Garowe using mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in five displacement settlements. Toward this end, we use the often- engaged term “domains of integration” to frame integration. In our conceptualization, however, we incorporate the concept of “local integration” as a durable solution. In brief, we see the domains of integration as a productive concept in the Somali context. However, in Somalia, where clans are interwoven into the state, which lacks resources and power, clan affiliation represents social connections domains, yet also influences the state’s role in the foundational domain of rights and citizenship and makers and means (employment, housing, education, health). International donors and NGOs, as well as international capitalist urban expansion also have a large role in these processes. As such, we argue that the ten domains of integration (discussed in detail below) intersect and blur to an even greater extent than in European and North American contexts, particularly around crucial issues such as housing, land, and property; a key factor in people’s decisions to remain or leave.

Rethinking (local) integration: domains of integration and their durability in Kismayo and Garowe, Somalia Read More »

Navigating Puntland’s Electoral Impasse:  An Analysis of Stakeholder Perspectives

The archetypical stable autonomous Federal Member State of Puntland is undergoing the most turbulent and uncertain time in its political history.  Since its foundation in 1998, the State has grappled with near political crisis at the end of every presidential tenure. The political wrangling over the term limits and electoral models between the incumbent president maneuvering to remain in power and the opposition candidates vying for the highest office of the State brings the State closer to crisis.  Although the State has never transitioned to democratic system of elections, it succeeded in peaceful selection of members of the House of the People, holding presidential elections and transfer of power every five years on 8th of January in the last 15 years.  This year election year 2023 has been different in many ways. The State has successfully conducted one person one vote local elections in 33 districts for the first time since it was founded.  But the year has also seen the worst intra-state election-related conflict, political disagreement and polarization. The current electoral conflict stems from unresolved issues that originated from the district council elections held on May 25, 2023, in 30 districts. Notably, three districts in Nugal, including the capital Garowe, experienced opposition boycotts leading to the non-participation of approximately 80,000 voters. This conflicts, compounded by amendments to constitutional articles, escalated into violent clashes in Garowe in June 2023. The resulting tensions have now permeated the ongoing parliamentary and presidential elections, given that the current president’s term is scheduled to conclude on January 8, 2024. The incumbent president and opposition groups find themselves in a deadlock, unable to reach a consensus on the electoral processes. The political landscape is marked by a clash of interests as both sides navigate the complexities of this electoral challenge. President Said Abdullahi Deni is attempting to achieve what no previous Puntland leader has accomplished: securing a second term in office. However, he encounters formidable opposition from a diverse group of politicians who despite their differences, share a common objective – preventing his re-election. Opposition forum believe that the president’s potential re-election hinges on a “one-sided election,” marked by manipulation, and a lack of fairness and transparency, that will result in a predetermined outcome that fails to genuinely represent the will of Puntland’s voters. The opposition forum cited the recently established Puntland Election Commission (PEC) as an example on how the president intends to undermine his term limit in office and manipulate the outcome of the election. The president and his allies argue that the government has a mandate to complete the transition to democracy and that the State is ready for one person one vote elections. The cite the recent local elections as a proof of the concept and  vow that there will be no return to the old, discredited, traditional elder’s selection of 66 member House of the People  and their subsequent election of the president. On November 2, 2023, 28 Puntland traditional leaders gathered in Garowe and issued a statement insisting that the scheduled January 8, 2024, election should not be postponed (Puntland Mirror, 2023). They proposed a return to the traditional selection model of the 66 parliamentary members due to time limitations. Additionally, they urged the parliament to promptly release the election annex and appoint a committee for dispute resolution. This declaration coincided with the Council of Ministers’ prior approval of the new Puntland election schedule, as announced by the Puntland Election Commission on November 24, 2023. Despite the president’s rejection of the elders’ decision, asserting that the matter of elections falls within the purview of the Puntland Election Commission and not the elders’ mandate, the opposition welcomed the traditional leaders’ stance. They perceived it as the only viable solution to the current impasse, highlighting the depth of the political deadlock and the urgency for alternative approaches to move forward. Tensions between the opposition and the president escalated when the opposition released a parallel electoral timetable on November 14, 2023, to implement the traditional elders’ decision for the upcoming elections in Puntland (Garowe Online, 2023). This timetable differs from the one issued by the Puntland Electoral Commission (PEC). According to the opposition’s timetable, Puntland will hold presidential elections on January 8. However, PEC’s timetable shows the elections taking place on February 25, 2024. In an effort to ease rising tensions, President Said Abdullahi Deni, on November 17, 2023, addressed a gathering during his visit to Ano-Yaskax village in the Nugal region (Garowe Online, 2023). He expressed a willingness to enter into discussions with opposition politicians to address the ongoing election dispute. However, he made it clear that there is a condition for these talks: the electoral process must strictly adhere to the principle of “one person, one vote,” a stance endorsed by his government. While the opposition has welcomed the president’s call for dialogue, they have stipulated a prerequisite of involving an impartial third party. They emphasized that the electoral process should be collectively agreed upon by all parties involved and must proceed as scheduled on January 8, 2024. Alarmed by the continued mobilization of forces by the government and some opposition groups, International Partners and Puntland Non-State Actors (PUNSAA) have been calling for de-escalation of tension and engaging in negotiations to reach a consensus-based electoral model. On November 21, 2023, International partners called on all parties to remain calm and exercise restraint, resolving their disputes through peaceful means, after expressing concerns about the risk of higher tensions, including the ongoing mobilization of forces (UNSOM, 2023). PUNSAA issued a statement urging all parties to negotiate and reach a consensus-based electoral model. In this context, this report provides a thorough analysis of the positions and perspectives of key political stakeholders, including the ruling party and its coalition parties, opposition forum, traditional elders, and civil society organizations. Amidst a heated election context, divergent views and approaches are explored, emphasizing the need for inclusive dialogue to address the impasse and ensure a peaceful and credible electoral process.

Navigating Puntland’s Electoral Impasse:  An Analysis of Stakeholder Perspectives Read More »

Somali’s Parliament: From Unicameralism to a Bicameralism

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of Somalia’s bicameral parliamentary system, focusing on the historical context, composition, functions, and the effectiveness of the two houses of Parliament, namely the House of the People and the Senate, as per the Somali Provisional Constitution. The historical overview traces the evolution of the Somali Parliament from the colonial era to post-independence and the military rule. It further delves into the current state of affairs after 1991, examining the challenges faced in forming a bicameral legislature in a fragile state like Somalia. The paper highlights the significance of bicameralism in ensuring representation and checks on government power. It explores the specific roles and responsibilities of each house, emphasizing the House of the People’s primary role in the legislative process and oversight of the executive. While the Senate is designed to represent the interests of Federal Member States, its effectiveness in doing so is analyzed in light of the National Consultative Council’s growing influence. Additionally, the paper discusses the challenges faced by the Somali upper house in truly representing the federal member states and promoting intergovernmental cooperation. It sheds light on the complexities arising from power-sharing formulas based on clan representation and the implications of direct negotiations between the federal government and member states. In conclusion, the paper provides a critical analysis of the current status of Somalia’s bicameral parliament, highlighting the need for enhanced representation of federal member states and greater cooperation between the two houses to strengthen the country’s democratic and federal structures. It offers insights into potential improvements and reforms to ensure a more effective bicameral system in Somalia’s governance.

Somali’s Parliament: From Unicameralism to a Bicameralism Read More »

Somalia’s Justice and Corrections Model (JCM): New opportunity or business as usual

Transforming Justice sector in Fragile and Conflict Affected Situations (FCAS) is often complicated, especially when the focus is normative or behavioural change and transformation. This, however, does not stop successive Somali governments and international community repeatedly developing ambitious policies, programs and models that raise the question of why failure is so common, and why is Somalia’s justice sector is still not fully functional. These questions are further explored in this paper, using a paradigmatic case study-in this instance, the recently agreed Justice and Corrections Model (JCM). The Model is to be understood within the context of Somalia’s complex legal pluralism and political entrepreneurship where divergent actors operate in dynamic arena of projectized and individualized interests rather than coherent, institutionalized sector.

Somalia’s Justice and Corrections Model (JCM): New opportunity or business as usual Read More »

Humanitarian Crisis in Sool: A Call for Action

On February 6, 2023, violence erupted in Lasanod town as clashes occurred between Somaliland forces and local forces following weeks of protests sparked after the assassination of Abdifatah Abdullahi Abdi, also known as Hadrawi, in late December 2022. Hadrawi, a local businessman, was among more than 120 prominent community members who have been targeted and assassinated by gunmen over the past thirteen years. The root of the tension in Lasanod can be traced back to 2007 when Somaliland forces gained control of the town, resulting in the withdrawal of the Puntland administration’s forces. The change in administration and subsequent withdrawal of forces played a significant role in shaping the dynamics of the ongoing tensions and conflicts in Lasanod (International Crisis Group, 2023). The protests took a dramatic turn when Somaliland responded with excessive force, resorting to live ammunition, resulting in the loss of approximately 15 lives, including children. The conflict also led to the arrest of over 100 people, thousands injured, and displacement of over 185,000 residents. Amnesty International found that Somaliland forces indiscriminately shelled the town, damaging hospitals, schools, and mosques. Many displaced people have lost their homes, means of subsistence, and even loved ones, living in overcrowded and unsanitary conditions. Six months into the conflict and the continuous bombardment of the town by Somaliland forces, the humanitarian assistance provided to the people escaping the conflict has been inadequate. The lack of support from Somali federal leadership and political complexities associated with the conflict have hindered the effectiveness of humanitarian efforts, including delivering food and shelter security and providing social services. SIDRA conducted a study to examine the humanitarian challenges faced by the broader population of Lasanod, with a specific focus on those who have been displaced due to the conflict. The study aims to elucidate significant areas of concern and present practical strategies to effectively coordinate substantive humanitarian aid for the civilians affected by the ongoing conflict.

Humanitarian Crisis in Sool: A Call for Action Read More »

Somalia’s Inter-governmental Relations Between The Constitutional Theory And Political Practice

The concept of Somali federalism has been gradually gaining some traction in the last few years. The idea of “two levels of government” or “Federal and State governments” was not initially popular with many people in Somalia who were used to unitary system of government, political and governance hierarchy and unilateral top-down decision making since independence in 1960.  Therefore, it was no surprise that the new political federal architecture presented many challenges to governing, coordination, decision-making and delivery of services. Somalia Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC) provides that exercise of federalism should be guided by principles of confidence and support of people, spirit of national unity, dialogue and reconciliation and subsidiarity (Article 50).  The founding principles of federalism in the light of the PFC informs that the federal model of Somalia should be based on vertical cooperation between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Federal Member States (FMS), rooted in broad-based collaboration, negotiation, and joint decision-making through formalized institutions and forums in the form of Intergovernmental Relations (IGR). IGR is enshrined in the PFC (Chapter 5, Articles 50 to 54).  The formalization of IGR in the PFC is unsurprisingly expected given the country’s jurisprudence which is largely based on civil law tradition but also underscores the importance of IGR in the adoption of Federalism and post conflict Somalia context in which the PFC was drafted. However, the formalization of IGR in the PFC did not translate into the formation of effective IGR institutions, legal frameworks and accountability and transparency strategies. In the last seven years, nascent IGR platforms without effective legal, institutional and administrative mechanisms mostly derived from political opportunism and donor demands for cooperation and resource sharing (aid money) have emerged, leading to numerous ad-hoc conferences and agreements between FGS and FMS.  The most prominent forum is the National Consultative Council (NCC) which has been acting as the highest executive IGR platform in Somalia and succeeded to convene and reach agreements on a number of exigent and contentious issues. But the forum has never been formalized in a primary legislation as instructed in the PFC (Article 51(5) nor was it institutionalized to effectuate its work. Not only has it been deficient of legal standing but most of the agreements hammered at the NCC have been treated as legally non-binding “political deals” and were never submitted to legislative scrutiny and approval at the Federal parliament. This policy review and analysis sought to examine Somalia IGR arrangements in the light of the provisions of the PFC, relevant legislations and inter-governmental agreements reached between FGS and FMS with comparative considerations. The challenges to IGR in Somalia could have been borne as the result of post conflict state building conundrums, and the limited resources and capacities of Somalia institutions but the following barriers have been highlighted as the main causes of the lack of effective institutionalized IGR in Somalia.

Somalia’s Inter-governmental Relations Between The Constitutional Theory And Political Practice Read More »

Pathways to care: IDPs seeking health support and justice for sexual and gender-based violence through social connections in Garowe and Kismayo, Somalia and South Kivu, DRC

This Paper was originally published on www.sciencedirect.com A growing literature documents the significant barriers to accessing care that Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) face. This study focuses on gender-based violence (SGBV), an issue often exacerbated in times of forced displacement, and adds to extant debates by considering the wide range of social connections (pathways and actors) involved in providing care beyond the formal biomedical (and justice) system. This research asks, who do IDPs turn to following SGBV and why? How effective do IDPs perceive these social connections to be? To answer these research questions, the study used ‘participatory social mapping’ methodology for 31 workshops held with over 200 participants in Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2021/2022. Pathways to SGBV-related care for IDPs appear eclectic and contingent upon not only the availability and accessibility of support resources but also social, cultural and gendered beliefs and practices. ‘Physical’, mental health, and justice needs are intertwined. They are hard to decouple as many actors cut across need categories, including family, faith and aid organisations, and customary institutions. Comparing Congolese and Somali sites of displaced communities, we see significant similarities and overlaps in pathways to care. While both countries have experienced severe erosions of state capacity, NGOs and parallel faith-based and customary legal, psychological, and health systems have filled the state’s weakness to varying degrees of acceptance by IDP participants. A comprehensive understanding of the local milieu, which requires illuminating the logics behind where people actually turn to for care, is crucial for interventions supporting SGBV victims/survivors; indeed, they risk being inefficient if they only address barriers to formal systems.

Pathways to care: IDPs seeking health support and justice for sexual and gender-based violence through social connections in Garowe and Kismayo, Somalia and South Kivu, DRC Read More »

Health Alliance for Digital Development & Action (HADDA)

This project studies health management information systems in Somalia. We gather information on the availability of functioning systems in place, and identifiy needs for human and technical support. This will be used to implement a unified system for improved maternal and child health care. This project uses a participatory action research and multi-method approach to guide the integration of Somalia’s Health Management Information System (HMIS). It is divided into several phases. The first phase established a baseline for the programme. A needs assessment to identify the capacity needs for human and technical support was carried out in the selected regions in 2020–2021. The second phase focuses on process evaluation which entails systematic monitoring and evaluation of the design and implementation processes for the integrated HMIS in selected clinics in three Somali regions (Banaadir, Galmudug and Puntland). This phase will adapt an action and reflection cycle that will provide continuous feedback to the design and implementation process to ensure incremental improvement and risk management of the system. In the later stages of implementation, outcome evaluation will provide lessons learned in effective implementation, utilization and scale up of HMIS in Somalia. It will contribute towards the development of sustainability model for integrating HMIS in Somalia and beyond. This project is carried out by the centre SPIDER at the Department of Computer and Systems Sciences at Stockholm University, in collaboration with Somali research organisation SIDRA and technical partner KasmoDev. The HADDA project combines research and implementation. To achieve a cohesive HMIS, HADDA collaborates closely with the federal and regional Ministries of Health in the development of an integrated HMIS that is feasible for both member states and federal organisations. SPIDER has also engaged in collaboration and dialogue with WHO, UNICEF, the Swedish Public Health Agency and Somali National Health Institute. Read more about the project

Health Alliance for Digital Development & Action (HADDA) Read More »

RAISE

Vaccine-preventable diseases remain an important cause of disease and death among children in conflict-affected settings. Reaching children with vaccines in conflict settings is a complex undertaking, involving many autonomous global, national and local actors, and, often, limited governmental effectiveness in the crisis setting. As a result, decision-making around vaccination services often lacks structure and transparency. Through this study, we aim to better understand how decisions are made about vaccines for children in conflict settings, including: which vaccines, how and where to deliver them and to whom. Using the study findings, we intend to generate and disseminate recommendations to different stakeholders to improve equitable delivery of vaccines to zero-dose children in conflict-affected settings.  The multi-disciplinary team is made up of academics and practitioners from LSHTM, the SIDRA Institute Somalia, and the Public Health Training and Research Unit (PHTRU), Ahfad University for Women in Sudan. Find out more about RAISE

RAISE Read More »

Scroll to Top