SIDRA Institute

SIDRA

Reforming Somalia’s Education Governance: Challenges and Pathways to a Unified Federal Model

The education system in Somalia has faced numerous challenges due to the years of civil war, state fragility, and lack of a clear legal framework guiding the federal and state roles and responsibilities in the sector. Despite the constitutional recognition of education as a concurrent power between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and its Federal Member States (FMS), the lack of a unified federal education model has led to disjointed education structures at both levels of government. One of the primary issues facing Somalia’s education sector is the coordination, decision-making, and provision of education services, with a significant portion of primary and secondary education students being educated outside the public sector. This situation is further complicated by periodic droughts and terrorist attacks by groups like Al-Shabaab, as well as the heavy reliance on household financing and development partners for education funding. The fragmented nature of the education system, combined with limited resources and capacity at both the federal and state levels, has hindered the establishment of a standardized and fully functioning education system in Somalia. In light of these challenges, the study that SIDRA published recent proposes the exploration of various federal models for education governance, drawing comparisons with other federal systems worldwide. Three primary federal models are highlighted, including the highly decentralized model, where education delivery is the primary responsibility of states and local governments, akin to the United States or Swiss models. While this approach may strengthen self-rule and autonomy at the sub-national level, it could also lead to inequalities in access to quality education and challenges in improving standards and efficiency across the country. To address the disputed issues in Somalia’s education governance, the study emphasizes the need for defining competences and areas of responsibilities between the federal and state levels. It calls for negotiations conducted in good faith, with a spirit of unity, cooperation, inclusivity, and consensus-building. By adhering to federal principles and developing a practical harmonized federal model, Somalia can work towards transforming its fragmented education structures into a standardized and fully functioning system. In conclusion, the recommendations offered by the study focus on establishing a clear legal framework, defining competences, promoting cooperation between the FGS and FMS, and adopting a consensus-based and compromise-oriented decision-making process. By addressing these key areas, Somalia can pave the way for a more effective and efficient education governance system that meets the needs of its diverse population and ensures quality education for all its citizens.

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Contested Models of Education Governance in Federal Context: Case of Somalia

This study explores practical federal models for education within the post-conflict context of Somalia. It notes that there is no uniform federal model for education, as such models are influenced by various social, cultural, historical, geographical, and economic factors. Some federal systems employ decentralized models for education, while others feature more centralized approaches. The Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC) of 2012 defines education as a concurrent power between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and its Federal Member States (FMS), based on the principle of subsidiarity. This arrangement assigns limited administrative functions to the federal government, with states taking primary responsibility for the delivery of educational services. Despite proposals for several educational delivery modalities, no specific federal model has yet been adopted. This study raises questions about how to organize and transform fragmented educational structures into a harmonized and standardized system, develop sustainable governance and financing mechanisms, and learn from federal models elsewhere that could be adapted to Somalia’s context.

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Assessing Vaccination Delivery Strategies for Zero-Dose and Under-Immunized Children in the Fragile Context of Somalia

This Paper was originally published on www.mdpi.com Somalia is one of 20 countries in the world with the highest numbers of zero-dose children. This study aims to identify who and where zero-dose and under-vaccinated children are and what the existing vaccine delivery strategies to reach zero-dose children in Somalia are. This qualitative study was conducted in three geographically diverse regions of Somalia (rural/remote, nomadic/pastoralists, IDPs, and urban poor population), with government officials and NGO staff (n = 17), and with vaccinators and community members (n = 52). The data were analyzed using the GAVI Vaccine Alliance IRMMA framework. Nomadic populations, internally displaced persons, and populations living in remote and Al-shabaab-controlled areas are three vulnerable and neglected populations with a high proportion of zero-dose children. Despite the contextual heterogeneity of these population groups, the lack of targeted, population-specific strategies and meaningful engagement of local communities in the planning and implementation of immunization services is problematic in effectively reaching zero-dose children. This is, to our knowledge, the first study that examines vaccination strategies for zero-dose and under-vaccinated populations in the fragile context of Somalia. Evidence on populations at risk of vaccine-preventable diseases and barriers to vital vaccination services remain critical and urgent, especially in a country like Somalia with complex health system challenges.

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Rethinking (local) integration: domains of integration and their durability in Kismayo and Garowe, Somalia

This Paper was originally published on www.frontiersin.org Amidst the ever-expanding debates in various academic and policy fields around migrant and refugee integration and local integration, we bring these two concepts in conversation with one another. Until very recently, theories of integration have had a state-centric focus in the Global North. This article expands and complicates this literature to focus on displaced Somalis within Somalia and its borderlands living in the cities of Kismayo and Garowe using mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in five displacement settlements. Toward this end, we use the often- engaged term “domains of integration” to frame integration. In our conceptualization, however, we incorporate the concept of “local integration” as a durable solution. In brief, we see the domains of integration as a productive concept in the Somali context. However, in Somalia, where clans are interwoven into the state, which lacks resources and power, clan affiliation represents social connections domains, yet also influences the state’s role in the foundational domain of rights and citizenship and makers and means (employment, housing, education, health). International donors and NGOs, as well as international capitalist urban expansion also have a large role in these processes. As such, we argue that the ten domains of integration (discussed in detail below) intersect and blur to an even greater extent than in European and North American contexts, particularly around crucial issues such as housing, land, and property; a key factor in people’s decisions to remain or leave.

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Navigating Puntland’s Electoral Impasse:  An Analysis of Stakeholder Perspectives

The archetypical stable autonomous Federal Member State of Puntland is undergoing the most turbulent and uncertain time in its political history.  Since its foundation in 1998, the State has grappled with near political crisis at the end of every presidential tenure. The political wrangling over the term limits and electoral models between the incumbent president maneuvering to remain in power and the opposition candidates vying for the highest office of the State brings the State closer to crisis.  Although the State has never transitioned to democratic system of elections, it succeeded in peaceful selection of members of the House of the People, holding presidential elections and transfer of power every five years on 8th of January in the last 15 years.  This year election year 2023 has been different in many ways. The State has successfully conducted one person one vote local elections in 33 districts for the first time since it was founded.  But the year has also seen the worst intra-state election-related conflict, political disagreement and polarization. The current electoral conflict stems from unresolved issues that originated from the district council elections held on May 25, 2023, in 30 districts. Notably, three districts in Nugal, including the capital Garowe, experienced opposition boycotts leading to the non-participation of approximately 80,000 voters. This conflicts, compounded by amendments to constitutional articles, escalated into violent clashes in Garowe in June 2023. The resulting tensions have now permeated the ongoing parliamentary and presidential elections, given that the current president’s term is scheduled to conclude on January 8, 2024. The incumbent president and opposition groups find themselves in a deadlock, unable to reach a consensus on the electoral processes. The political landscape is marked by a clash of interests as both sides navigate the complexities of this electoral challenge. President Said Abdullahi Deni is attempting to achieve what no previous Puntland leader has accomplished: securing a second term in office. However, he encounters formidable opposition from a diverse group of politicians who despite their differences, share a common objective – preventing his re-election. Opposition forum believe that the president’s potential re-election hinges on a “one-sided election,” marked by manipulation, and a lack of fairness and transparency, that will result in a predetermined outcome that fails to genuinely represent the will of Puntland’s voters. The opposition forum cited the recently established Puntland Election Commission (PEC) as an example on how the president intends to undermine his term limit in office and manipulate the outcome of the election. The president and his allies argue that the government has a mandate to complete the transition to democracy and that the State is ready for one person one vote elections. The cite the recent local elections as a proof of the concept and  vow that there will be no return to the old, discredited, traditional elder’s selection of 66 member House of the People  and their subsequent election of the president. On November 2, 2023, 28 Puntland traditional leaders gathered in Garowe and issued a statement insisting that the scheduled January 8, 2024, election should not be postponed (Puntland Mirror, 2023). They proposed a return to the traditional selection model of the 66 parliamentary members due to time limitations. Additionally, they urged the parliament to promptly release the election annex and appoint a committee for dispute resolution. This declaration coincided with the Council of Ministers’ prior approval of the new Puntland election schedule, as announced by the Puntland Election Commission on November 24, 2023. Despite the president’s rejection of the elders’ decision, asserting that the matter of elections falls within the purview of the Puntland Election Commission and not the elders’ mandate, the opposition welcomed the traditional leaders’ stance. They perceived it as the only viable solution to the current impasse, highlighting the depth of the political deadlock and the urgency for alternative approaches to move forward. Tensions between the opposition and the president escalated when the opposition released a parallel electoral timetable on November 14, 2023, to implement the traditional elders’ decision for the upcoming elections in Puntland (Garowe Online, 2023). This timetable differs from the one issued by the Puntland Electoral Commission (PEC). According to the opposition’s timetable, Puntland will hold presidential elections on January 8. However, PEC’s timetable shows the elections taking place on February 25, 2024. In an effort to ease rising tensions, President Said Abdullahi Deni, on November 17, 2023, addressed a gathering during his visit to Ano-Yaskax village in the Nugal region (Garowe Online, 2023). He expressed a willingness to enter into discussions with opposition politicians to address the ongoing election dispute. However, he made it clear that there is a condition for these talks: the electoral process must strictly adhere to the principle of “one person, one vote,” a stance endorsed by his government. While the opposition has welcomed the president’s call for dialogue, they have stipulated a prerequisite of involving an impartial third party. They emphasized that the electoral process should be collectively agreed upon by all parties involved and must proceed as scheduled on January 8, 2024. Alarmed by the continued mobilization of forces by the government and some opposition groups, International Partners and Puntland Non-State Actors (PUNSAA) have been calling for de-escalation of tension and engaging in negotiations to reach a consensus-based electoral model. On November 21, 2023, International partners called on all parties to remain calm and exercise restraint, resolving their disputes through peaceful means, after expressing concerns about the risk of higher tensions, including the ongoing mobilization of forces (UNSOM, 2023). PUNSAA issued a statement urging all parties to negotiate and reach a consensus-based electoral model. In this context, this report provides a thorough analysis of the positions and perspectives of key political stakeholders, including the ruling party and its coalition parties, opposition forum, traditional elders, and civil society organizations. Amidst a heated election context, divergent views and approaches are explored, emphasizing the need for inclusive dialogue to address the impasse and ensure a peaceful and credible electoral process.

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Somali’s Parliament: From Unicameralism to a Bicameralism

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of Somalia’s bicameral parliamentary system, focusing on the historical context, composition, functions, and the effectiveness of the two houses of Parliament, namely the House of the People and the Senate, as per the Somali Provisional Constitution. The historical overview traces the evolution of the Somali Parliament from the colonial era to post-independence and the military rule. It further delves into the current state of affairs after 1991, examining the challenges faced in forming a bicameral legislature in a fragile state like Somalia. The paper highlights the significance of bicameralism in ensuring representation and checks on government power. It explores the specific roles and responsibilities of each house, emphasizing the House of the People’s primary role in the legislative process and oversight of the executive. While the Senate is designed to represent the interests of Federal Member States, its effectiveness in doing so is analyzed in light of the National Consultative Council’s growing influence. Additionally, the paper discusses the challenges faced by the Somali upper house in truly representing the federal member states and promoting intergovernmental cooperation. It sheds light on the complexities arising from power-sharing formulas based on clan representation and the implications of direct negotiations between the federal government and member states. In conclusion, the paper provides a critical analysis of the current status of Somalia’s bicameral parliament, highlighting the need for enhanced representation of federal member states and greater cooperation between the two houses to strengthen the country’s democratic and federal structures. It offers insights into potential improvements and reforms to ensure a more effective bicameral system in Somalia’s governance.

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Somalia’s Justice and Corrections Model (JCM): New opportunity or business as usual

Transforming Justice sector in Fragile and Conflict Affected Situations (FCAS) is often complicated, especially when the focus is normative or behavioural change and transformation. This, however, does not stop successive Somali governments and international community repeatedly developing ambitious policies, programs and models that raise the question of why failure is so common, and why is Somalia’s justice sector is still not fully functional. These questions are further explored in this paper, using a paradigmatic case study-in this instance, the recently agreed Justice and Corrections Model (JCM). The Model is to be understood within the context of Somalia’s complex legal pluralism and political entrepreneurship where divergent actors operate in dynamic arena of projectized and individualized interests rather than coherent, institutionalized sector.

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Humanitarian Crisis in Sool: A Call for Action

On February 6, 2023, violence erupted in Lasanod town as clashes occurred between Somaliland forces and local forces following weeks of protests sparked after the assassination of Abdifatah Abdullahi Abdi, also known as Hadrawi, in late December 2022. Hadrawi, a local businessman, was among more than 120 prominent community members who have been targeted and assassinated by gunmen over the past thirteen years. The root of the tension in Lasanod can be traced back to 2007 when Somaliland forces gained control of the town, resulting in the withdrawal of the Puntland administration’s forces. The change in administration and subsequent withdrawal of forces played a significant role in shaping the dynamics of the ongoing tensions and conflicts in Lasanod (International Crisis Group, 2023). The protests took a dramatic turn when Somaliland responded with excessive force, resorting to live ammunition, resulting in the loss of approximately 15 lives, including children. The conflict also led to the arrest of over 100 people, thousands injured, and displacement of over 185,000 residents. Amnesty International found that Somaliland forces indiscriminately shelled the town, damaging hospitals, schools, and mosques. Many displaced people have lost their homes, means of subsistence, and even loved ones, living in overcrowded and unsanitary conditions. Six months into the conflict and the continuous bombardment of the town by Somaliland forces, the humanitarian assistance provided to the people escaping the conflict has been inadequate. The lack of support from Somali federal leadership and political complexities associated with the conflict have hindered the effectiveness of humanitarian efforts, including delivering food and shelter security and providing social services. SIDRA conducted a study to examine the humanitarian challenges faced by the broader population of Lasanod, with a specific focus on those who have been displaced due to the conflict. The study aims to elucidate significant areas of concern and present practical strategies to effectively coordinate substantive humanitarian aid for the civilians affected by the ongoing conflict.

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Somalia’s Inter-governmental Relations Between The Constitutional Theory And Political Practice

The concept of Somali federalism has been gradually gaining some traction in the last few years. The idea of “two levels of government” or “Federal and State governments” was not initially popular with many people in Somalia who were used to unitary system of government, political and governance hierarchy and unilateral top-down decision making since independence in 1960.  Therefore, it was no surprise that the new political federal architecture presented many challenges to governing, coordination, decision-making and delivery of services. Somalia Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC) provides that exercise of federalism should be guided by principles of confidence and support of people, spirit of national unity, dialogue and reconciliation and subsidiarity (Article 50).  The founding principles of federalism in the light of the PFC informs that the federal model of Somalia should be based on vertical cooperation between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Federal Member States (FMS), rooted in broad-based collaboration, negotiation, and joint decision-making through formalized institutions and forums in the form of Intergovernmental Relations (IGR). IGR is enshrined in the PFC (Chapter 5, Articles 50 to 54).  The formalization of IGR in the PFC is unsurprisingly expected given the country’s jurisprudence which is largely based on civil law tradition but also underscores the importance of IGR in the adoption of Federalism and post conflict Somalia context in which the PFC was drafted. However, the formalization of IGR in the PFC did not translate into the formation of effective IGR institutions, legal frameworks and accountability and transparency strategies. In the last seven years, nascent IGR platforms without effective legal, institutional and administrative mechanisms mostly derived from political opportunism and donor demands for cooperation and resource sharing (aid money) have emerged, leading to numerous ad-hoc conferences and agreements between FGS and FMS.  The most prominent forum is the National Consultative Council (NCC) which has been acting as the highest executive IGR platform in Somalia and succeeded to convene and reach agreements on a number of exigent and contentious issues. But the forum has never been formalized in a primary legislation as instructed in the PFC (Article 51(5) nor was it institutionalized to effectuate its work. Not only has it been deficient of legal standing but most of the agreements hammered at the NCC have been treated as legally non-binding “political deals” and were never submitted to legislative scrutiny and approval at the Federal parliament. This policy review and analysis sought to examine Somalia IGR arrangements in the light of the provisions of the PFC, relevant legislations and inter-governmental agreements reached between FGS and FMS with comparative considerations. The challenges to IGR in Somalia could have been borne as the result of post conflict state building conundrums, and the limited resources and capacities of Somalia institutions but the following barriers have been highlighted as the main causes of the lack of effective institutionalized IGR in Somalia.

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Pathways to care: IDPs seeking health support and justice for sexual and gender-based violence through social connections in Garowe and Kismayo, Somalia and South Kivu, DRC

This Paper was originally published on www.sciencedirect.com A growing literature documents the significant barriers to accessing care that Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) face. This study focuses on gender-based violence (SGBV), an issue often exacerbated in times of forced displacement, and adds to extant debates by considering the wide range of social connections (pathways and actors) involved in providing care beyond the formal biomedical (and justice) system. This research asks, who do IDPs turn to following SGBV and why? How effective do IDPs perceive these social connections to be? To answer these research questions, the study used ‘participatory social mapping’ methodology for 31 workshops held with over 200 participants in Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2021/2022. Pathways to SGBV-related care for IDPs appear eclectic and contingent upon not only the availability and accessibility of support resources but also social, cultural and gendered beliefs and practices. ‘Physical’, mental health, and justice needs are intertwined. They are hard to decouple as many actors cut across need categories, including family, faith and aid organisations, and customary institutions. Comparing Congolese and Somali sites of displaced communities, we see significant similarities and overlaps in pathways to care. While both countries have experienced severe erosions of state capacity, NGOs and parallel faith-based and customary legal, psychological, and health systems have filled the state’s weakness to varying degrees of acceptance by IDP participants. A comprehensive understanding of the local milieu, which requires illuminating the logics behind where people actually turn to for care, is crucial for interventions supporting SGBV victims/survivors; indeed, they risk being inefficient if they only address barriers to formal systems.

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